Thursday, May 28, 2015

Mediterranean Disaster: Why is the African leadership silent?

The drowning last month, of some 140 African migrants in the Mediterranean Sea, just south of Sicily, has caught global attention and stirred worldwide uproar. This is hardly the first time illegal migration by boat has claimed the lives of countless Africans, though this latest incident has been (for many) the last straw. EU member states had to call an emergency meeting in the wake of this most recent late April calamity. The recurrent phenomenon is becoming something of a “moral burden” for the Western continent and it does not bode well with the human rights values that the West seems to uphold so dearly. Just as Former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan tweeted, The #migrants dying in the #Mediterranean Sea are not unwanted trespassers. They are human beings. Annan is quite right. The death of thousands of human beings in such horrible conditions is nothing short of a human disaster and could not have left the ‘moral’ West indifferent. Conversely, on the African continent, the leadership does not seem to be bothered by this umpteenth accident. Does this attitude equate to indifference? Is it really that our leaders just don’t care? And if they don’t, how can this situation ever hope to improve?

Unfortunately the issue is far more complex than it seems. The primary reason that pushes young Africans to go to extreme lengths – including the very real likelihood of perishing at sea in an effort to reach the European ‘El Dorado’ – is the lack of economic opportunities and prospects in their own countries. They are hoping that by reaching Europe, they will make it – that they will finally be able to help themselves and their families back home. This recent event exposes not only the inability of African governments to provide job opportunities to their predominantly youth population, but it highlights the supreme level of desperation of these young (mostly) men who have little hope for a better future in their countries due to the lack of clear and concrete government policies targeting their demographic. In my view, this lack of reaction on the part of the African leadership is not due to indifference at all, but rather to pure discomfort, guilt and helplessness.

One month after the event, Senegal is unable to tell the number of its citizens who were victims. This is no doubt the case for each of the other African countries involved. Senegal officials and human rights organizations are busy discussing numbers and facts – how many died? How many similar events have taken place in the last year? Where did the Senegalese victims depart from? Officials went as far as to say that those who lost their lives in the accident left Senegal more than three years ago. In my view, this is a grotesque attempt to shirk the current administration’s responsibility. It also completely misses the point.One month after the event, Senegal is unable to tell the number of its citizens who were victims. This is no doubt the case for each of the other African countries involved. Senegal officials and human rights organizations are busy discussing numbers and facts – how many died? How many similar events have taken place in the last year? Where did the Senegalese victims depart from? Officials went as far as to say that those who lost their lives in the accident left Senegal more than three years ago. In my view, this is a grotesque attempt to shirk the current administration’s responsibility. It also completely misses the point.

The bottom line is that even one life claimed is one life too many. But as is often the case, Africans turn to the West for solutions, going as far as to critique Europe for calling a meeting to talk about illegal migration without inviting those main players involved: African leaders themselves. The absurdity of this is ridiculous. It should be Africa that is calling a meeting and inviting Europe. Not the other way around. If Africans don’t respect themselves, why should they expect respect in return? Why should the West take the lead in African matters? Until now, no African body has called for an emergency meeting – neither ECOWAS nor the African Union. This is despite news of more migrants’ boats being intercepted or rescued from the Mediterranean Sea on a nearly daily basis. African leaders need to start getting serious if they want to be taken seriously. Whenever the continent is in dire situation, the leadership is wanting. Reports have shown that the migrants come from all over the African continent. Therefore, the AU, as the continental body, should take a leadership role in addressing this issue. They should engage Europe on the best solutions to illegal migration that would address not only the human rights of the migrants, but also the drivers of illegal migration and how they might curb it.

The attitude of the African leadership glaringly contrast with that of the African youth who have been very vocal on social media, denouncing the deafening silence of their governments and expressing their anger at their leadership – one that is quick to hop on a plane with tax payers money and stand by the West when it’s #JesuisCharlie, but is voiceless when the African ship keeps submerging with #Mediterranean #Migrants #Kenya #Garissa #Bokoharam. We can only salute Africa’s youth for taking such a stance. The issue now is how to further empower them to push their government to actions. Civil societies all over Africa should also go beyond blaming governments, and play a more active role in terms of sensitizing the youths and putting pressure on governments to have clear development policies and opportunities for them. This, however, is no easy task. But it’s one that if not addressed sooner than later is at the risk of thousands of more lives.

Follow #Khaita on twitter @KhaitaSylla

Wednesday, May 14, 2014

Le #NdadjeTweetUp, l’expression populaire en mode Web 2.0

Les médias sociaux sont devenus, a n’en plus douter, des plateformes d’expression populaire pour une jeunesse africaine, de plus en plus consciente de son pouvoir sur la toile. Cette toile offre l’opportunité aux jeunesses, souvent sans voix ni voies de s’affranchir du monopole des politiques sur la chose publique.



Consciente de cette dynamique irréversible, OSIWA, a, dans sa nouvelle stratégie 2014-2017, décidé de soutenir des initiatives innovantes se basant sur les arts et les technologies de l’information et de la communication (TIC). C’est ainsi que la Fondation a décidé de soutenir le #NdajeTweetup, une initiative du Réseau des blogueurs du Sénégal, dont l’objectif selon ses initiateurs est de fédérer les blogueurs sénégalais, de promouvoir le blogging au Sénégal et d'assurer la formation des internautes. Ce groupe de jeunes activistes du web, très dynamique sur la toile et présent sur presque tous les media sociaux, a déjà à son actif la plateforme sunu2012 qui a été déterminant dans le suivi du processus électorale lors des élections présidentielles de 2012 au Sénégal. En effet, la plateforme a constitué une source importante d’information sur le processus électoral pour les citoyens qui pouvaient y trouver les profils et programmes des différentes candidates à l’élection. Tout citoyen pouvait accéder à ses informations et se faire une idée de ce que les candidats proposaient. La plateforme, qui a fourni les résultats à temps réel du vote le jour du scrutin présidentiel, a été aussi fortement utilisée par la presse comme source d’information.

Le #Ndadjetweepup qui en est à sa quatrième édition constitue un moment de communion pour les jeunes blogueurs sénégalais, qui se retrouvent de façon presque informelle et discutent des questions qui interpellent les citoyens et relais les discussions qui en ressortent sur les sites de micro blogging comme twitter et facebook. Initié seulement en 2013, le #Ndadjetweetup a gagné en popularité et est attendu avec impatience par les jeunes internautes. Le hashtag est composé du mot wolof ‘Ndadje’ qui signifie réunion/rencontre et Tweetup (twitter). Expliqué plus simplement, #Ndadjetweetup veut dire se réunir pour twitter.

Cette année, OSIWA a décidé d’accompagner l’organisation de 5 #Ndadjetweetup sur l’année, avec une innovation de taille, la décentralisation de l’évènement au niveau d’autres localités du pays. Les premières éditions se sont tenues exclusivement à Dakar. Parmi les 5 éditions soutenues par OSIWA, le #NdadjeTweep up sera à Rufisque (banlieue dakaroise), à Mbour dans la région de Thiès, et à Saint Louis dans le nord du pays. Ceci donnera l’occasion aux internautes de ces zones souvent oubliées du pays, de pouvoir faire entendre leur voix et de discuter des problèmes qui interpellent leurs localités. Dans son soutien, OSIWA essaie d’utiliser les forums du #NdadjeTweepUp pour mieux faire connaitre, au niveau de la cible jeune, les thématiques et questions sur lesquelles elle travaille. C’est ainsi que pendant les deux premières éditions soutenues par la Fondation, les blogueurs ont pu se pencher sur les questions de transparence dans la gestion des affaires publiques, de participation citoyenne, de web-activisme d’engagement citoyen avec des panélistes de renom tels que le journaliste Mame less Camara, l’activiste Boussou Drame, l’ancien Ministre Sénégalais de la Culture Amadou Tidiane Wone entre autres.

Les thèmes des éditions 5 et 6, qui se tiendront respectivement à Saint Louis et à Rufisque, seront définis en fonction des réalités que vivent les citoyens dans ces zones. Le dernier #NdajeTweepUp appuyé par OSIWA se tiendra à Dakar et fera certainement le bilan des différentes éditions appuyées. Quel qu’en soit l’issue, le projet aura permis d’accompagner une innovation de taille de jeunes leaders blogueurs; de créer des espaces d’échanges entre des activistes et agents du changement social pour communiquer sur ce qu’ils font de mieux; et de faciliter la connexion entre les bloggeurs des régions et ceux de la capitale autour de questions de gouvernance, de service publique, de participation citoyenne, etc. La réussite et l’engouement populaire autour de ce projet montre qu’avec peu, on peut réussir de belles choses et que l’Afrique n’a pas d’excuses. Elle ne devra surtout pas rater la révolution digitale après avoir raté celle industrielle pour paraphraser Cheikh Fall, connu sous le pseudo @cypher007, l’un des blogueurs les plus connus du Sénégal et non moins membre de l’équipe initiatrice du #NdadjeTweepup.

Dans tous les cas, l’Afrique est à la croisée des chemins. Les médias sociaux ont réussi la ou les politiques ont échoués, c'est à dire démocratiser l’accès et le relais de l’information. Ils offrent un espace d’expression aux citoyens sur les questions de gouvernance.

Vive le Web 2.0. Jusqu’au prochain #Ndadjetweetup, continuons les discussions sur la toile!

See you in St Louis next month!

Follow Khaita on twitter @KhaitaSylla

Friday, June 29, 2012

How Senegal’s Youth Took a Stand in the 2012 Presidential Elections

The recent elections in Senegal signaled the emergence of a youth consciousness in the country. Young Senegalese people have sent a strong message to the ruling elite that the times have changed, and nothing in their country will ever be the same again. Khaita Sylla analyses the success of their movement.

On 25 March 2012, the Senegalese people elected a new president in a highly charged second round election marred by violence. It was not the first time Senegal had experienced serious electoral clashes. Twice before, in 1988 and 1993, – the country bore witness to heated riots and upheaval. But this time round, the fear of uncontainable violence was much higher given the level of issues at stakes – one of which was President Wade’s much debated candidacy for a third term in office. The sweeping victory of the coalition supporting opposition candidate, Macky Sall, who won 65.80% of the votes compared to 34.20% for contender and outgoing President Abdoulaye Wade, is testimony to the popular clamor for change and vitality of Senegal’s democracy. Despite an agitated pre-election period, Senegalese electorates demonstrated electoral maturity by ousting President Wade through a generally peaceful vote. Such attitude is now attracting the attention of political pundits. The Senegalese people have sent a strong message to Senegal’s ruling elite. Their message is that the times have changed, and nothing in their country will ever be the same again.

Throughout the entire electoral process, the youths of Senegal put up a remarkable fight using, as their weapons, the hip hop movement and social media. Both tools functioned as their primary means of encouraging protest and garnering popular support, both in the lead-up and during the election period. The unprecedented mobilization and engagement, by this particular age group, is indicative of a major shift in youth engagement in political affairs in Senegal. While the main opposition parties, gathered under the coalition ‘Benno Siggil Senegal ’ (BSS) wasted much time discussing presidential nominees amidst the controversy over President Wade’s candidacy, the youths were busy organizing themselves in quite a different fashion. In hindsight, these young people definitely had an agenda of their own – one vastly different from the political parties who were merely interested in assuming power. The youths were not running for positions. They were looking for change – massive changes in their living conditions, and they went about this pursuit ardently and methodically, mobilizing vast numbers and educating voters on how to remove Wade, the very person responsible for the countless social and economic difficulties plaguing their country. Back in 2000, Wade was elected on the hope of a better life for Senegalese. But soon enough the government’s plans derailed. Wade failed to tackle the challenges. He did not keep his campaign promises to provide jobs for the country’s predominantly youth population nor did he help improve the living conditions of Senegalese people in general.

Through social media and hip hop, the youth rallied together and ended up leaving their own indelible mark in the 2012 elections. The hip hop movement was particularly powerful in this regard. The hip hop trend started in Senegal in the early 1990s, first as a mimic of the African American hip hop movement before taking on its own identity some years later. During the recent elections it transformed into a guiding light for this revolution. And yes, it really was a revolution. A group of friends made up of young journalists and rap musicians called ‘Keur Gui’ created the Y’en A Marre (Enough is Enough) movement, which led the revolution. These young men stem from Kaolack in the center west of the country, bordering The Gambia and one of the country’s poorest and most neglected regions. The youth from the Y’en A Marre group, like many other youths from other low-income suburbs of Dakar, commonly referred to as the ‘banlieue’, were badly affected by the social crisis in Senegal marked by a major increase in the price of basic commodities. This crisis exacerbated during Wade’s second term in office and precipitated the old man’s gradual decline and eventual fall from power. Just why and how these youth groups became engaged in the 2012 elections is as understandable as it is commendable. And their support among many Senegalese was indicative of just how “fed up” a vast majority of people had become with the gross failures of Wade’s administration.

Popular support for “Yen a Marre” really started gathering steam at a public rally on 19 March 2011. For Senegalese this is a historic date, as eleven years earlier it heralded in a momentous occasion: Senegal’s first regime change and Wade’s inaugural rise to power. From this day onwards, Y’en A Marre managed to keep their momentum going. They mobilized young people across the country and spoke about keys issues of civic engagement – voter registration, environmental consciousness, civic duties and rights… They took these issues and packaged them under the concept of “NTS” -Nouveau Type de Senegalais, the “New Type of Senegalese”. This became a galvanizing theme throughout their campaign and a key way to encourage mass participation in the elections, especially among youths. To ensure their messages were heard throughout the country, they created ‘Y’en A Marre Esprits’ – ‘Enough is Enough ’ . This concept encouraged anyone who shared their own vision of NTS and to continue spreading the word in their own communities. This highly adaptable structure, combined with the strategic timing of their efforts, ensured the Yen a Marre movement would solidify its place in Senegal’s history.

So how did they actually do this? To answer this question, it’s worth looking more closely at the very process of the Yen a Marre pursuit. The first phase of their struggle was to get youths, enmasse, to register for voting. Having unsuccessfully tried, on two occasions, to get Senegalese officials to extend the voter registration period, the Yen a marristes had to take matters into their own hands. They had to ensure not only that people registered, but also, in their second phase of activities, that these registered voters actually picked up their voter cards. The third phase was to get people out on Election Day – a vitally important part of their whole mission and one which, when push came to shove, depended on the integrity of Senegalese people to actually put all their words into useful action. The music from Yen a Marre’s rappers also played an interesting and powerful role in garnering youth participation. Famous singles such as ‘faux-pas forcer’ (bad move) and ‘Dogali’ (finish off) were big hits during the election campaign. The song ‘faux-pas forcer’, is a play on words, using the written word “faux”, which means “fake”, as a warning against the falsity of Wade’s candidacy. The song also reminded listeners that his bid for re-election is a “bad move”, and one that poses great danger to democracy, peace and stability in Senegal.

The main reasons why Y’en A Marre has been so successful is due, primarily, to how it structured its independence and its (more or less) clearly-defined goals. The group does not have one single head that is in charge, but a coordinator who can be replaced at any time. The group has also a good mix of youths from all trades: journalists, rap musicians, engineers, etc. The current coordinator of the movement is a journalist. Furthermore, the group has been remarkably successful at distancing itself from politicians. This is in itself admirable, if not quite unusual in present day Senegal. These youths are also well-educated and have maintained a clear civic discourse – this is in stark contrast to the traditional political discourse that is often filled with lengthy parlance and unkept promises.

Aside from the Yen a Marre movement, another aspect that had its noteworthy debut and bore considerable impact during the 2012 elections is the rise of Web 2.0. The tremendous popularity of the internet was achieved in large part due to the efforts of the Association of Senegalese bloggers. Consisting of mostly young people, the Association created a web platform called Sunu2012. This proved to be a viable source of information for internet users and journalists across the country, and around the world. The primary objective of the initiative, according to its founders, was to sensitize citizens on the candidates and their programs. Candidates were given the opportunity to create their own pages and publish their programs through this platform. Meanwhile, citizens could comment and debate on each one of these programs. In the same way that mobile phones played a vital role in the 2000 elections, the Sunu2012 web platform published elections results live, as soon as they became available. This made it possible for people, the world over, to follow results in real time. The Senegalese media also relied on results published by Sunu2012, and local TV stations took good advantage of this technology. The platform was able to use the force of popular social networks, such as Facebook and Twitter, to receive information from users who were on the ground and relaying accounts of voting, as well as results coming in from polling stations clear across Senegal.

While there may not be any scientific evidence to measure the young people’s impact in the outcome of Senegal’s 2012 elections, nor any studies to show how Web 2.0 played a role, it is clear that the force of the young people, through their voices and action, has been a strong and significant ally in ensuring a relatively free and fair presidential outcome. The 2012 elections signaled the emergence of a youth consciousness in the country, and perhaps even a shift in political participation more generally. Both groups remain adamant that they will keep a close eye on the new government’s regime, and continue to act as watchdogs; ensuring democratic values will continue to build and solidify firm foundations in Senegal.

Follow Khaita on twitter @KhaitaSylla

Monday, October 24, 2011

Will the Momentum Last?

23 June 2011 will certainly be remembered as a landmark in the political history of Senegal. Senegalese citizens from all walks of life (opposition, civil society, regular citizens, youth movements), all stood bravely as one people to oppose the adoption by the national legislature of a bill that would have allowed a Presidential hopeful to have a co-runner for the first time in the country’s 50 years of political history since independence. The other controversial aspect of the bill was that a presidential ticket could win the elections in the first round with a minimum threshold of 25% of the vote. Thousands of people rallied outside the national assembly to protest against the passing of the bill. This public protest was so unprecedented that some people went as far as to compare it to what is known as the Arab Spring – the home grown social revolutions that have rifted almost all the Arab world from North Africa to the Middle East in the first quarter of 2011 and which is still unfolding and redefining the geopolitics of this oil-rich region.

Whilst choosing a running mate is not a bad idea in itself, as it is the practice in the United States of America, its timing was, to many observers, too suspicious and the context too blurred for it to be celebrated as an attempt to emulate and consolidate good democratic practices. Some even viewed Wade’s scheme as a foiled political Coup: a scenario that could not be accepted in present day Senegal. Wade expected his majority parliament to vote this bill that was introduced just two days before it was made known to the public. Even though a few of his party’s representatives took a bold stance and spoke out against it, the bill had strong chances to pass, had the Senegalese people not stood up to oppose the vote. The June 23 protest gave birth to “M23,” a movement that was launched by the initiators of the protest to capitalize on the gains recorded on that important day. Since its creation, the M23 has been increasing the pressure on President Abdoulaye Wade not to run for a third term, which they consider to be unconstitutional. Having already served two terms, Wade is, in their view, disqualified for the February 2012 presidential race, even though some constitutionalists argue the contrary. In addition to the pressure on Wade, the movement has been cruising around the country and the world to garner support from the national and international community. Now, every 23rd of the month, the group organizes a rally in remembrance of June 23 and as a strategy to keep the momentum.

Concomitantly, Senegalese youths have been very vocal in their opposition to Wade’s bid for a third term. This is a major social shift as regards the youth’s militant involvement in the country’s political affairs. This is not to downplay the students’ movements that have always fought for their social welfare or rap musicians who in their lyrics have always been very critical of the elite, particularly power holders. It is, therefore, not surprising that the group that has spearheaded the youth protest is made up mostly of rap musicians. Known as the ‘Y’en En Marre’ (Enough is Enough) Movement, the group took part in the 23 June rally after having successfully organized a mass mobilization on 19 March 2011 to denounce the hijacking of the people’s will by the incumbent ruling class. The March 19 date was chosen in celebration of the major political shift that occurred in the year 2000 with the first regime change in Senegal after 41 years of Socialist Party rule. Y’en A Marre is currently at the center of a major campaign to raise awareness in Senegalese citizens, particularly the youths who are expected to play a crucial role in the upcoming elections. Through fiery slogans such as “daas fanaanal” (meaning, ‘getting ready’, or literally ‘sharpen the blade and wait’), Y’en A Marre has managed to galvanize a lot of youths to register to vote and is still on the campaign trail to make sure that young people also withdraw their voting cards. The final phase of this movement’s plan is to ensure that all registered youths do go out and vote massively on Election Day. Their engagement has put them in the spotlight and earned them several invitations in Senegal and abroad, the latest being their participation in the UN general assembly session in New York last month. This gave Y’en A Marre more international exposure, as high profile media groups such as the New York Times opened their columns to the young Senegalese activists. ‘Y’en En Marre’ has also been taking part in the M23 rallies, even though they refuse to be part of the movement, as they attempt to keep their distance from politicians who make up the majority of the movement membership.

The low turnout in the latest rallies organized by the M23 seems to show that the movement is fizzling out or at least many Senegalese people are losing interest in it. On the other hand, it may well be that they are waiting for the right moment to do what they have to do – the June 23 protest is a poignant illustration of such poise. On the day before the voting of the bill, even the most astute observers were quite sure that the bill would pass. Yet the next day, not only was the bill withdrawn but business went on again as usual as if nothing had happened the previous day. Only time will tell what will come out of the recent activism.

Khaita

Wednesday, April 8, 2009

SENEGAL, From Glory to Dismay!

For a long time, Senegal has been hailed as a peace hub in West Africa. Senegal enjoyed this reputation thanks to a well entrenched democratic system and functioning institutions, which contrasted with the political and social turmoil that was exacerbated by the recurrent and ubiquitous military coups that took place in the sub region. As explained in our previous piece, entitled “Military Coups and the Democracy Dilemma in West Africa,” Senegal is, along with Cape Verde, the only other West African country not to have undergone a military coup. Regular elections have been organized in the country and they have, for the most part, been arguably transparent. But it is safe to say that real political change took place in Senegal in 2000, as power was not handed over to Abdoulaye Wade by his predecessor such as in the case of Leopold Sedar Senghor and Abdou Diouf, but through the polls. In March 2000, Wade became Senegal’s third President since independence and his election was welcome as a godsend by millions of Senegalese, who bore the brunt of poverty and expected a momentous qualitative change in their social conditions. Wade’s election was, therefore, very symbolical, in that it also marked the end of 40 years of a socialist regime. Abdoulaye Wade, a liberal by political obedience brought with him hope and was viewed as the embodiment of perseverance for having fought 25 years for political change to happen democratically in Senegal. But very soon, the Senegalese people would become disenchanted with Wade who failed by all standards to deliver on many of his campaign promises and thus heavily encumbered the potential of his long struggle to power. During his 8 years as incumbent, Wade has changed the country’s constitution several times with the support of his party-controlled national assembly, which is prompt to service his own selfish interest. Today Senegal has become a country where ills such as corruption, bad governance, and lack of transparency in the management of public resources have become daily reality. Journalists are threatened, imprisoned, and intimidated, while citizens are deprived of their right to protest. Such practices seriously undermine freedom of the press and infringe on citizens’ rights. Faced with the increasing cost of commodities, which takes a big toll on the average citizen’s purchasing power, Senegalese citizens are in dismay. The results of the recent local elections, which consecrated the victory of the opposition coalitions in some major cities such as Dakar, Thiès and Saint Louis, are indicative of the Senegalese people’s dissatisfaction with Wade’s management of the country. These local elections have proven Senegal’s grandeur as a nation and the Senegalese citizens’ capacity to respond adequately, despite the tag of “lameness” that some people do not hesitate to attach to Senegalese. Wade seems to have understood the message, or so he says. Let us hope that his awakening will translate into better living conditions for Senegalese. I think we deserve it.

Khaita

Wednesday, February 11, 2009

Military coups and the democracy dilemma in West Africa

West Africa has a long history of military coups. From the early days of independence to date, almost all the countries in this unstable region have experienced military coups, with the exception of Cape Verde and Senegal. Up to a recent past Senegal has enjoyed the reputation of being the most stable democracy in the sub region. However, Senegal is gradually losing this reputation due to a continued violation of democratic principles such as corroborated by the ruling party’s constant unilateral revision of the constitution (we will elaborate more about this in our next piece). While I agree with the principle of zero tolerance for military coups adopted by the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the International Community at large, I strongly believe that there needs to be a mechanism to relieve citizens of incapable presidents who will never be overthrown by elections or the citizens’ discontent, but manipulate their countries’ constitutions to remain in power for ever, that is, until death decides otherwise. Unfortunately, the continent is infested with such leaders. The recent military coup that took place in Guinea in the aftermath of President Conté’s death has raised lots of questions about whether military coups are always condemnable. Lansana Conté who came to power after Sékou Touré’s death in 1984 did not organize elections until 9 years later--in 1993. All the elections organized in Guinea throughout his tenure were contested. Yet the man managed to stay in power until his death on 22 December 2008. During Conté’s reign, the international community, including AU and ECOWAS, does not seem to have done much to end the suffering of the Guinean people. Now that the president is gone and the military took over the international community is calling for a return to constitutional order. But what constitution are we talking about? - the one that has been tampered with several times to service Conté and his gang, the one that has helped the president of the National assembly continue his mandate despite the fact that it expired nearly a year ago? Calling the military to respect the constitutional order is ridiculous and, at best, a sign of poor judgment. For regional and international institutions to enforce respect for the constitutions in Africa, they will have to do better than just condemn military coups. They should make sure that these constitutions are secured from manipulations by power holders; that elected officials are accountable and people-driven. Heads of states in Africa should lead by the principles of democratic governance and the rule of law rather than service their own self-centered interests.
Khaita Sylla